美国总统罗斯福演讲稿：民主政治的超级军火库（The Great Arsenal of Democracy）演讲时间：29 December 1940
美国总统罗斯福演讲稿：民主政治的超级军火库（英文版）
My friends:
This is not a fireside chat on war. It is a talk on national security; because the nub of the whole purpose of your President is to keep you now, and your children later, and your grandchildren much later, out of a last-ditch war for the preservation of American independence, and all of the things that American independence means to you and to me and to ours.
Tonight, in the presence of a world crisis, my mind goes back eight years to a night in the midst of a domestic crisis. It was a time when the wheels of American industry were grinding to a full stop, when the whole banking system of our country had ceased to function. I well remember that while I sat in my study in the White House, preparing to talk with the people of the United States, I had before my eyes the picture of all those Americans with whom I was talking. I saw the workmen in the mills, the mines, the factories, the girl behind the counter, the small shopkeeper, the farmer doing his spring plowing, the widows and the old men wondering about their life's savings. I tried to convey to the great mass of American people what the banking crisis meant to them in their daily lives.
Tonight, I want to do the same thing, with the same people, in this new crisis which faces America. We met the issue of 1933 with courage and realism. We face this new crisis, this new threat to the security of our nation, with the same courage and realism. Never before since Jamestown and Plymouth Rock has our American civilization been in such danger as now. For on September 27th, 1940 -- this year -- by an agreement signed in Berlin, three powerful nations, two in Europe and one in Asia, joined themselves together in the threat that if the United States of America interfered with or blocked the expansion program of these three nations -- a program aimed at world control -- they would unite in ultimate action against the United States.
The Nazi masters of Germany have made it clear that they intend not only to dominate all life and thought in their own country, but also to enslave the whole of Europe, and then to use the resources of Europe to dominate the rest of the world. It was only three weeks ago that their leader stated this: "There are two worlds that stand opposed to each other." And then in defiant reply to his opponents he said this: "Others are correct when they say: 'With this world we cannot ever reconcile ourselves.''' I can beat any other power in the world." So said the leader of the Nazis.
In other words, the Axis not merely admits but the Axis proclaims that there can be no ultimate peace between their philosophy -- their philosophy of government -- and our philosophy of government. In view of the nature of this undeniable threat, it can be asserted, properly and categorically, that the United States has no right or reason to encourage talk of peace until the day shall come when there is a clear intention on the part of the aggressor nations to abandon all thought of dominating or conquering the world.
At this moment the forces of the States that are leagued against all peoples who live in freedom are being held away from our shores. The Germans and the Italians are being blocked on the other side of the Atlantic by the British and by the Greeks, and by thousands of soldiers and sailors who were able to escape from subjugated countries. In Asia the Japanese are being engaged by the Chinese nation in another great defense. In the Pacific Ocean is our fleet.
Some of our people like to believe that wars in Europe and in Asia are of no concern to us. But it is a matter of most vital concern to us that European and Asiatic war-makers should not gain control of the oceans which lead to this hemisphere. One hundred and seventeen years ago the Monroe Doctrine was conceived by our government as a measure of defense in the face of a threat against this hemisphere by an alliance in Continental Europe. Thereafter, we stood guard in the Atlantic, with the British as neighbors. There was no treaty. There was no "unwritten agreement." And yet there was the feeling, proven correct by history, that we as neighbors could settle any disputes in peaceful fashion. And the fact is that during the whole of this time the Western Hemisphere has remained free from aggression from Europe or from Asia.
Does anyone seriously believe that we need to fear attack anywhere in the Americas while a free Britain remains our most powerful naval neighbor in the Atlantic? And does anyone seriously believe, on the other hand, that we could rest easy if the Axis powers were our neighbors there? If Great Britain goes down, the Axis powers will control the Continents of Europe, Asia, Africa, Austral-Asia, and the high seas. And they will be in a position to bring enormous military and naval resources against this hemisphere. It is no exaggeration to say that all of us in all the Americas would be living at the point of a gun -- a gun loaded with explosive bullets, economic as well as military. We should enter upon a new and terrible era in which the whole world, our hemisphere included, would be run by threats of brute force. And to survive in such a world, we would have to convert ourselves permanently into a militaristic power on the basis of war economy.
Some of us like to believe that even if Britain falls, we are still safe, because of the broad expanse of the Atlantic and of the Pacific. But the width of those oceans is not what it was in the days of clipper ships. At one point between Africa and Brazil the distance is less than it is from Washington to Denver, Colorado, five hours for the latest type of bomber. And at the north end of the Pacific Ocean, America and Asia almost touch each other. Why, even today we have planes that could fly from the British Isles to New England and back again without refueling. And remember that the range of the modern bomber is ever being increased.
During the past week many people in all parts of the nation have told me what they wanted me to say tonight. Almost all of them expressed a courageous desire to hear the plain truth about the gravity of the situation. One telegram, however, expressed the attitude of the small minority who want to see no evil and hear no evil, even though they know in their hearts that evil exists. That telegram begged me not to tell again of the ease with which our American cities could be bombed by any hostile power which had gained bases in this Western Hemisphere. The gist of that telegram was: "Please, Mr. President, don't frighten us by telling us the facts." Frankly and definitely there is danger ahead -- danger against which we must prepare. But we well know that we cannot escape danger, or the fear of danger, by crawling into bed and pulling the covers over our heads.
Some nations of Europe were bound by solemn nonintervention pacts with Germany. Other nations were assured by Germany that they need never fear invasion. Nonintervention pact or not, the fact remains that they were attacked, overrun, thrown into modern slavery at an hour's notice -- or even without any notice at all. As an exiled leader of one of these nations said to me the other day, "The notice was a minus quantity. It was given to my government two hours after German troops had poured into my country in a hundred places." The fate of these nations tells us what it means to live at the point of a Nazi gun.
The Nazis have justified such actions by various pious frauds. One of these frauds is the claim that they are occupying a nation for the purpose of "restoring order." Another is that they are occupying or controlling a nation on the excuse that they are "protecting it" against the aggression of somebody else. For example, Germany has said that she was occupying Belgium to save the Belgians from the British. Would she then hesitate to say to any South American country: "We are occupying you to protect you from aggression by the United States"? Belgium today is being used as an invasion base against Britain, now fighting for its life. And any South American country, in Nazi hands, would always constitute a jumping off place for German attack on any one of the other republics of this hemisphere.
Analyze for yourselves the future of two other places even nearer to Germany if the Nazis won. Could Ireland hold out? Would Irish freedom be permitted as an amazing pet exception in an unfree world? Or the islands of the Azores, which still fly the flag of Portugal after five centuries? You and I think of Hawaii as an outpost of defense in the Pacific. And yet the Azores are closer to our shores in the Atlantic than Hawaii is on the other side.
There are those who say that the Axis powers would never have any desire to attack the Western Hemisphere. That is the same dangerous form of wishful thinking which has destroyed the powers of resistance of so many conquered peoples. The plain facts are that the Nazis have proclaimed, time and again, that all other races are their inferiors and therefore subject to their orders. And most important of all, the vast resources and wealth of this American hemisphere constitute the most tempting loot in all of the round world.
Let us no longer blind ourselves to the undeniable fact that the evil forces which have crushed and undermined and corrupted so many others are already within our own gates. Your government knows much about them and every day is ferreting them out. Their secret emissaries are active in our own and in neighboring countries. They seek to stir up suspicion and dissension, to cause internal strife. They try to turn capital against labor, and vice versa. They try to reawaken long slumbering racial and religious enmities which should have no place in this country. They are active in every group that promotes intolerance. They exploit for their own ends our own natural abhorrence of war. These trouble-breeders have but one purpose. It is to pide our people, to pide them into hostile groups and to destroy our unity and shatter our will to defend ourselves.
There are also American citizens, many of them in high places, who, unwittingly in most cases, are aiding and abetting the work of these agents. I do not charge these American citizens with being foreign agents. But I do charge them with doing exactly the kind of work that the dictators want done in the United States. These people not only believe that we can save our own skins by shutting our eyes to the fate of other nations. Some of them go much further than that. They say that we can and should become the friends and even the partners of the Axis powers. Some of them even suggest that we should imitate the methods of the dictatorships. But Americans never can and never will do that.
The experience of the past two years has proven beyond doubt that no nation can appease the Nazis. No man can tame a tiger into a kitten by stroking it. There can be no appeasement with ruthlessness. There can be no reasoning with an incendiary bomb. We know now that a nation can have peace with the Nazis only at the price of total surrender. Even the people of Italy have been forced to become accomplices of the Nazis; but at this moment they do not know how soon they will be embraced to death by their allies.
The American appeasers ignore the warning to be found in the fate of Austria, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Norway, Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark, and France. They tell you that the Axis powers are going to win anyway; that all of this bloodshed in the world could be saved, that the United States might just as well throw its influence into the scale of a dictated peace and get the best out of it that we can. They call it a "negotiated peace." Nonsense! Is it a negotiated peace if a gang of outlaws surrounds your community and on threat of extermination makes you pay tribute to save your own skins? For such a dictated peace would be no peace at all. It would be only another armistice, leading to the most gigantic armament race and the most devastating trade wars in all history. And in these contests the Americas would offer the only real resistance to the Axis power. With all their vaunted efficiency, with all their parade of pious purpose in this war, there are still in their background the concentration camp and the servants of God in chains.
The history of recent years proves that the shootings and the chains and the concentration camps are not simply the transient tools but the very altars of modern dictatorships. They may talk of a "new order" in the world, but what they have in mind is only a revival of the oldest and the worst tyranny. In that there is no liberty, no religion, no hope. The proposed "new order" is the very opposite of a United States of Europe or a United States of Asia. It is not a government based upon the consent of the governed. It is not a union of ordinary, self-respecting men and women to protect themselves and their freedom and their dignity from oppression. It is an unholy alliance of power and pelf to dominate and to enslave the human race.
The British people and their allies today are conducting an active war against this unholy alliance. Our own future security is greatly dependent on the outcome of that fight. Our ability to "keep out of war" is going to be affected by that outcome. Thinking in terms of today and tomorrow, I make the direct statement to the American people that there is far less chance of the United States getting into war if we do all we can now to support the nations defending themselves against attack by the Axis than if we acquiesce in their defeat, submit tamely to an Axis victory, and wait our turn to be the object of attack in another war later on.
If we are to be completely honest with ourselves, we must admit that there is risk in any course we may take. But I deeply believe that the great majority of our people agree that the course that I advocate involves the least risk now and the greatest hope for world peace in the future.
The people of Europe who are defending themselves do not ask us to do their fighting. They ask us for the implements of war, the planes, the tanks, the guns, the freighters which will enable them to fight for their liberty and for our security. Emphatically, we must get these weapons to them, get them to them in sufficient volume and quickly enough so that we and our children will be saved the agony and suffering of war which others have had to endure.
Let not the defeatists tell us that it is too late. It will never be earlier. Tomorrow will be later than today.
Certain facts are self-evident.
In a military sense Great Britain and the British Empire are today the spearhead of resistance to world conquest. And they are putting up a fight which will live forever in the story of human gallantry. There is no demand for sending an American expeditionary force outside our own borders. There is no intention by any member of your government to send such a force. You can therefore, nail, nail any talk about sending armies to Europe as deliberate untruth. Our national policy is not directed toward war. Its sole purpose is to keep war away from our country and away from our people.
Democracy's fight against world conquest is being greatly aided, and must be more greatly aided, by the rearmament of the United States and by sending every ounce and every ton of munitions and supplies that we can possibly spare to help the defenders who are in the front lines. And it is no more un-neutral for us to do that than it is for Sweden, Russia, and other nations near Germany to send steel and ore and oil and other war materials into Germany every day in the week.
We are planning our own defense with the utmost urgency, and in its vast scale we must integrate the war needs of Britain and the other free nations which are resisting aggression. This is not a matter of sentiment or of controversial personal opinion. It is a matter of realistic, practical military policy, based on the advice of our military experts who are in close touch with existing warfare. These military and naval experts and the members of the Congress and the Administration have a single-minded purpose: the defense of the United States.
This nation is making a great effort to produce everything that is necessary in this emergency, and with all possible speed. And this great effort requires great sacrifice. I would ask no one to defend a democracy which in turn would not defend every one in the nation against want and privation. The strength of this nation shall not be diluted by the failure of the government to protect the economic well-being of its citizens. If our capacity to produce is limited by machines, it must ever be remembered that these machines are operated by the skill and the stamina of the workers.
As the government is determined to protect the rights of the workers, so the nation has a right to expect that the men who man the machines will discharge their full responsibilities to the urgent needs of defense. The worker possesses the same human dignity and is entitled to the same security of position as the engineer or the manager or the owner. For the workers provide the human power that turns out the destroyers, and the planes, and the tanks. The nation expects our defense industries to continue operation without interruption by strikes or lockouts. It expects and insists that management and workers will reconcile their differences by voluntary or legal means, to continue to produce the supplies that are so sorely needed. And on the economic side of our great defense program, we are, as you know, bending every effort to maintain stability of prices and with that the stability of the cost of living.
Nine days ago I announced the setting up of a more effective organization to direct our gigantic efforts to increase the production of munitions. The appropriation of vast sums of money and a well-coordinated executive direction of our defense efforts are not in themselves enough. Guns, planes, ships and many other things have to be built in the factories and the arsenals of America. They have to be produced by workers and managers and engineers with the aid of machines which in turn have to be built by hundreds of thousands of workers throughout the land. In this great work there has been splendid cooperation between the government and industry and labor. And I am very thankful.
American industrial genius, unmatched throughout all the world in the solution of production problems, has been called upon to bring its resources and its talents into action. Manufacturers of watches, of farm implements, of Linotypes and cash registers and automobiles, and sewing machines and lawn mowers and locomotives, are now making fuses and bomb packing crates and telescope mounts and shells and pistols and tanks.
But all of our present efforts are not enough. We must have more ships, more guns, more planes -- more of everything. And this can be accomplished only if we discard the notion of "business as usual." This job cannot be done merely by superimposing on the existing productive facilities the added requirements of the nation for defense. Our defense efforts must not be blocked by those who fear the future consequences of surplus plant capacity. The possible consequences of failure of our defense efforts now are much more to be feared. And after the present needs of our defense are past, a proper handling of the country's peacetime needs will require all of the new productive capacity, if not still more. No pessimistic policy about the future of America shall delay the immediate expansion of those industries essential to defense. We need them.
I want to make it clear that it is the purpose of the nation to build now with all possible speed every machine, every arsenal, every factory that we need to manufacture our defense material. We have the men, the skill, the wealth, and above all, the will. I am confident that if and when production of consumer or luxury goods in certain industries requires the use of machines and raw materials that are essential for defense purposes, then such production must yield, and will gladly yield, to our primary and compelling purpose.
So I appeal to the owners of plants, to the managers, to the workers, to our own government employees to put every ounce of effort into producing these munitions swiftly and without stint. With this appeal I give you the pledge that all of us who are officers of your government will devote ourselves to the same whole-hearted extent to the great task that lies ahead.
As planes and ships and guns and shells are produced, your government, with its defense experts, can then determine how best to use them to defend this hemisphere. The decision as to how much shall be sent abroad and how much shall remain at home must be made on the basis of our overall military necessities.
We must be the great arsenal of democracy.
For us this is an emergency as serious as war itself. We must apply ourselves to our task with the same resolution, the same sense of urgency, the same spirit of patriotism and sacrifice as we would show were we at war.
We have furnished the British great material support and we will furnish far more in the future. There will be no "bottlenecks" in our determination to aid Great Britain. No dictator, no combination of dictators, will weaken that determination by threats of how they will construe that determination. The British have received invaluable military support from the heroic Greek Army and from the forces of all the governments in exile. Their strength is growing. It is the strength of men and women who value their freedom more highly than they value their lives.
I believe that the Axis powers are not going to win this war. I base that belief on the latest and best of information.
We have no excuse for defeatism. We have every good reason for hope -- hope for peace, yes, and hope for the defense of our civilization and for the building of a better civilization in the future. I have the profound conviction that the American people are now determined to put forth a mightier effort than they have ever yet made to increase our production of all the implements of defense, to meet the threat to our democratic faith.美国总统罗斯福演讲稿：民主政治的超级军火库（中文版）
我的朋友们：
这不是战争的炉边谈话。这是关于国家安全的讲话；因为你们的总统的目的，关键是要保持现在的你，和你的孩子后，你的孙子要晚得多，从最后的战争来维护美国的独立，和所有的事情，美国的独立性意味着你和我，我们的。
今晚，面对世界性危机，我的思绪又回到了八年前的一个晚上的国内危机之中。当时的美国工业的车轮被磨到完全停止时，我们整个国家的银行体系已停止功能。我清楚地记得，当我坐在我的研究在白宫，准备在美国的人的谈话中，我曾在我的眼前所有美国人的图片的人我是说。我看到工人们在米尔斯，矿山，工厂，柜台后面的女孩，小掌柜，农民做他的春耕，寡妇和老男人不知道自己一生的积蓄。我试图传达给美国人民银行危机对他们意味着什么在他们的日常生活，大众。
今晚，我想做同样的事情，与相同的人，在这个新的危机，面临美国。我们遇到了1933的勇气和现实问题。我们面临新的危机，这对我们国家安全的新威胁，以同样的勇气和现实主义。以前从来没有从詹姆斯敦和普利茅斯摇滚我们的美国文明现在是危险。在今年的1940年9月27日————在柏林签署了一项协议，三个强大的国家，两个在欧洲和亚洲，连接起来的威胁，如果美国对美国的干扰或阻止这三个国家的扩张计划——一项旨在控制世界——他们会团结在最终的行动反对美国。
纳粹德国的主子们明确表示，他们打算不仅主宰一切的生活和他们自己国家的思想，但也使整个欧洲，然后利用欧洲的资源来统治世界。它只有三个星期前，他们的领导人说：“有两个世界，反对对方。”然后在挑衅的回答他的对手，他说：“别人都正确时，他们说：“这个世界上我们永远无法调和自己。”“我可以击败任何其他权力在世界上。“纳粹的领导人这样说。
换句话说，轴不仅仅承认，但轴宣称，最终没有可和平之间的哲学——他们的哲学的政府——和我们的政府理念。在这个不可否认的威胁的性质来看，可以说，正确和绝对，认为美国没有任何权利或理由鼓励谈论和平直到必当有对侵略国部分明确意图放弃所有的控制或征服世界的思想。作为美国总统，我呼吁国家的努力。我叫它在这个国家，我们的爱和尊敬，我们很荣幸和骄傲的服务名称。我号召我们的人民有绝对的信心，我们共同的事业将极大的成功。
在这一时刻，所有人都联合起来反对自由生活正在举行远离海岸的美国军队。德国人和意大利人被封锁在大西洋彼岸的英国，由希腊人，以及数以千计的士兵和水手得以逃脱被征服的国家。在亚洲，日本正被另一个伟大的中华民族从事国防。在太平洋舰队。
我们中的一些人认为，战争在欧洲和亚洲，我们都不关心。但这是一个最重要的关注，美国，欧洲和亚洲的战争者不应获得导致这个半球海洋控制。一百一十七年前，梦露主义的构思是由我国政府在威胁这个半球的联盟在欧洲大陆面临的防御措施。此后，我们守在大西洋，与英国的邻居。没有条约。没有不成文的协议。”但有感觉，被历史证明是正确的，我们的邻居会在和平的方式解决争议。而事实上，此时的西半球始终没有来自欧洲和亚洲的侵略的整个期间。
有没有人真的相信，我们需要担心的攻击在美洲任何地方而自由英国仍然是我们最强大的海军在大西洋的邻居？有人相信，在另一方面，我们可以放心如果轴心国是我们的邻居那里吗？如果英国下山，轴心国将控制欧洲大陆，亚洲，非洲，亚洲和南半球，公海。他们将在一个位置，带来了巨大的军事和海军资源对这个半球。毫不夸张地说，在所有美洲我们都将生活在枪口——枪装满炸药的子弹，经济以及军事。我们要进入这整个世界的一个新的和可怕的时代，我们的大脑半球在内，将由武力威胁。而在这样一个世界生存下去，我们必须改变自己的永久战争的经济基础上军国主义的力量。
我们中的一些人认为，即使英国的瀑布，我们仍然是安全的，因为浩瀚的大西洋和太平洋。但这些海洋宽度不在三桅帆船的日子是什么。在一个点在非洲和巴西之间的距离是小于它是从华盛顿到丹佛，科罗拉多州，为轰炸机的最新型的五小时。在太平洋的北端，美国和亚洲几乎相互接触。为什么，甚至今天我们能飞的飞机从英国到新英格兰再不加油。记住：现代轰炸机范围日益增加。
在过去的一周在全国各地有很多人告诉我，他们希望我说今晚。几乎所有的人都表达了一个勇敢的渴望听到有关形势的严峻事实。然而一封电报，表达，谁想要非礼勿视、非礼勿听少数的态度，即使他们在心里知道，邪恶的存在。那封电报请求我不要告诉了我们与缓解美国城市可以被任何敌对势力已经在这个西半球获得基地轰炸。这封电报大意是：“请你，总统先生，不要吓唬我们告诉我们的事实。“老实说，肯定是前面有危险——危险对我们必须做好准备。但我们知道，我们不能逃避危险，或对危险的恐惧，爬行到床上，把被子蒙住头。
欧洲一些国家的不干涉协定庄严德国束缚。其他国家是德国的保证永远不必担忧入侵。不干涉协定或不，事实上，他们被攻击，超限，扔到现代奴隶制一小时通知——甚至没有注意到这一切。作为一个流亡领袖之一，这些国家说一天我，”通知负量。这是给我的政府后，德国军队已经涌入我国一百处两个小时”。这些国家的命运告诉我们，生活在纳粹的枪口意味着什么。
纳粹已经由各种虔诚的欺诈行为。一个骗子是声称他们正处在一个国家为目的的“恢复秩序”。另一个原因是，他们占有或控制的国家，他们借口“保护”对别人的侵略。例如，德国已经表示，她是从英国占领比利时挽救比利时。她会再犹豫说任何南美国家：“我们正处在你保护你免遭美国的侵略？比利时今天是作为反对英国侵略基地，现在战斗的生活。和其他南美国家，在纳粹手中，总是会构成一个跳发生在这个半球的其它共和国的任何一个德国的进攻。
你们两个其他地方未来的分析更近，如果到德国纳粹赢得。就爱尔兰呢？将爱尔兰自由被允许在不自由的世界，一个惊人的宠物例外？或亚速尔群岛的岛屿，它还飞葡萄牙国旗经过五个世纪？你和我认为夏威夷是太平洋地区的防御前哨。然而，亚速尔群岛是大西洋更接近我们的海岸到夏威夷的另一边。
有人说，轴心国，不会有任何攻击欲望西半球。那是一厢情愿的破坏了许多被征服民族抵抗力量同样危险的形式。简单的事实是，纳粹党已经宣布，一次又一次，所有其他种族都是他们的人因此受到他们的命令。最重要的是，广大富饶的美洲是所有的一轮世界最诱人的战利品。
让我们不再盲目的自己，已压碎破坏和损坏的很多人已经在我们自己的大门的邪恶势力不可否认的事实。你的政府对他们很了解，每一天都是找出这些错误。他们的秘密使者都是我们自己和周边国家的活动。他们试图激起猜疑和纠纷，造成内乱。他们试图把资本和劳动，反之亦然。他们试图唤醒沉睡的种族和宗教仇恨长应已在这个国家没有的地方。他们在每一组中，促进不耐受是活跃的。他们利用自己结束自己的天然憎恶战争。这些麻烦的饲养者的目的只有一个。它是把我们的人，把他们分为敌对的团体和破坏我们的团结，粉碎了我们会为自己辩护。
也有美国公民，他们中的许多人在高的地方，谁，不知不觉地在大多数情况下，是协助及教唆这些药物的工作。我不收这些美国公民和外国代理人。但我却指控他们做这样的工作，独裁者们想在美国做的。这些人不仅相信我们可以通过关闭我们的眼睛，其他国家的命运，拯救我们自己的皮肤。他们中的一些人远远不止这些。他们说，我们可以而且应该成为朋友，甚至是轴心国伙伴。他们中的一些人甚至认为我们应该效法的独裁统治的方法。但美国人永远不会永远不会那样做。
过去两年的经验已经证明，毫无疑问，没有一个国家能安抚纳粹。没有人能驯服老虎变成一只小猫抚摸它。对残暴行为是不能姑息。有可以用燃烧弹没有推理。现在我们知道，一个国家可以与纳粹分子只有在彻底投降的代价的和平。即使意大利人被迫成为纳粹同谋；但他们此刻不知道很快他们将接受死亡，他们的盟友。
不管是在美国和奥地利，捷克斯洛伐克，波兰，挪威，比利时，命运发现警告荷兰，丹麦，法国。他们告诉你，轴心国要赢得；世界上所有的流血事件是可以被挽救的，美国或许也将影响到一个支配的和平的规模和得到最好的，我们可以。他们称之为“和平谈判的废话。”！这是一个和平谈判如果一伙不法之徒包围你的社区和灭绝的威胁让你表示敬意，拯救自己的皮肤？这种支配的和平就没有和平。它只会是另一个停战，导致整个历史中最巨大的军备竞赛和最具破坏性的贸易战。在这些比赛美洲将轴功率提供的唯一真正的阻力。他们所有的自负的效率，与他们所有的游行的虔诚的目的在这场战争中，仍有其背景中的链的集中营里，神的仆人。
近几年来的历史证明，枪击链和集中营的不仅仅是短暂的工具，但现代独裁统治的祭坛。他们可以说是一个“新秩序”的世界，但他们心目中只有一个复兴的最古老和最坏的暴君。在没有自由，没有宗教，没有希望。所提出的“新秩序”是一个美国的欧洲或美国亚洲恰恰相反。它不是一个政府基于人民的同意。这不是一个普通的联盟，自尊的男人和女人来保护自己和自己的自由和尊严的压迫。这是一个邪恶联盟的权力和财富支配和奴役人类。
英国人和他们的盟友，现在正在进行积极的对抗这邪恶联盟。我们自己的未来的安全在很大程度上取决于这场战斗的结果。我们的“不战”的能力将取决于这个结果。思想上的今天和明天，我将直接声明美国人民有更少的机会，美国进入战争，如果我们所做的一切都是我们现在可以支持国家保卫自己免受攻击的轴比如果我们接受他们的失败，提交驯顺的轴线的胜利，和等待我们的将是在后来的另一场战争攻击的对象。
如果我们对自己诚实，我们必须承认有风险的任何过程中我们可以采取。但我深信，我国绝大多数人同意，我提倡的课程包括风险最小的现在和未来世界和平的最大希望的。
欧洲的人民在捍卫自己，不要求我们替他们打仗。他们问我们的战争，实现了飞机，坦克，大炮，货船，使他们能为自己的自由和我们的安全而战。重点，我们必须把这些武器给他们，让他们在足够量的迅速足以使我们和我们的孩子将被保存的痛苦和苦难的战争，其他人不得不忍受。
不要让失败主义者告诉我们，它是太晚了。它将不会早。明天要比今天更迟。
一定的事实是不言而喻的。
在军事上说，英国和英帝国的今天是抵抗征服世界的先锋。他们坚持战斗，这将永远活在人类的勇敢的故事。没有要求美国派远征军到国外。有没有意向你们政府的任何成员发送这样的力量。你可以因此，钉，钉约出兵欧洲任何故意不说话。我们的国家政策不是走向战争。它的唯一目的是让战争离开我们的国家和我们的人民远离。
民主的反对征服全世界正在帮助很大，必须更多的帮助很大，由美国重整军备和发送的每一盎司和军需供应每吨，我们可以备用帮助那些在前线守军。这是没有更多的中性点为我们做的比它是瑞典，俄罗斯，德国和其他国家附近把钢铁、矿石、石油和其他战争物资到德国一礼拜中的每一天。
我们最紧迫的我们自己的防卫计划，并在其庞大的规模就必须把英国和其他自由国家抵抗侵略战争的需要。这不是一个问题，情绪或有争议的个人意见。这是一个现实的，实际的军事政策，基于我们的军事专家谁有紧密的联系，与现有的战争的建议。这些军事和海军专家和国会的成员和政府有一个专一的目的：美国的防御。
这个国家正在产生的一切，在这紧急需要很大的努力，并尽速。这种努力需要伟大的牺牲。我会让无人防守的民主又不会保卫每个人对抗国家要与贫困。这个国家的强度不应以政府未能保护其公民的经济福祉稀释。如果我们的生产能力是有限的机器，它将永远记得这些机器的技能和工人的体力工作。
作为政府决意保护工人的权利，因此，国家有权要求人的机器将履行其全权防御的迫切需要。工人们拥有相同的人格尊严和有权的位置相同的安全工程师或经理或老板。为员工提供人力，原来的驱逐舰，和飞机，坦克和。国家希望我们的国防工业继续运行不受罢工或停工中断。预计，坚持管理和员工将自愿或法律手段调和他们之间的分歧，继续生产，所以急需的物资。在我们伟大的防御计划，经济方面我们是，你知道的，弯曲的一切努力，生活成本的稳定性保持稳定的价格。
九天前我宣布建立一个更有效的组织来指导我们的巨大努力增加军火生产。的巨额资金拨款和协调执行方向我们的防御措施本身并不足够。枪炮，飞机，船舶和其他许多事情都必须建立在工厂和美国的核武库。他们必须由工人和管理人员和工程师制作的这反过来又是由成千上万的工人在陆地的机器的帮助。在这个伟大的工作已经有政府、行业和劳动之间的良好合作。我很感激。
美国工业界的天才，无与伦比的全世界的生产问题的解决，已经呼吁，将以其聪明才智为行动。的手表制造商，农具，对linotypes和收银机和汽车，和缝纫机和割草机和机车，现在使熔断器和炸弹的包装箱和望远镜支架和贝壳和手枪和坦克。
但我们所有的努力是不够的。我们必须有更多的船只，更多的枪支，更多的飞机——更多的东西。这可以当我们抛弃了“照常营业的概念。“这工作不能由叠加在现有的生产设施，增加国防的需要仅仅做。我们的防守努力不要被那些担心将来工厂生产能力过剩的后果的封锁。我们的防御措施失效的可能后果现在更是可怕的。在我们的国防需求现状是过去，正确处理国家的和平时期，需要将要求所有新的生产能力，如果不是更。没有对美国前途悲观的政策应当延缓这些行业必不可少的防御即时扩张。我们需要他们。
我想说清楚，它的目的是现在尽快地建立每一台机器，每一个阿森纳，每一个工厂，我们需要我们的国防材料制造。我们有人，技能，财富，最重要的是，将。我相信，如果在某些行业的生产消费品和奢侈品需要机器，用于国防目的是必不可少的原料使用，那么这样的生产一定产量，而且会心甘情愿地，我们的主要的和令人信服的目的。
因此我号召工厂的业主，对管理人员，对工人，我们自己的政府雇员把一点一滴的努力为生产军火和毫不吝惜地。这一呼吁我给你的承诺，我们所有的人都是你的政府官员将致力于同全心全意地去谎言的伟大任务。
由于生产，大炮和炮弹的政府，它的国防专家，可以决定如何最好地使用它们来保卫这个半球。决定把多少将被派往国外，多少要留在家里，必须对我们的整体军事用品的基础上。
我们必须成为民主国家的兵工厂。
对我们来说这是紧急和战争本身一样严重。我们必须致力于我们的任务具有相同的分辨率，同样的紧迫感，同样的爱国主义精神和牺牲，我们将展示我们的战争。
我们已经给英国伟大的物质上的支持，我们将为今后更远。将不会有“瓶颈”决心帮助英国。没有独裁者，没有结合的独裁者，将削弱的威胁，确定如何解释，测定。英国已收到从英雄的希腊军队从流亡在外的所有政府军队宝贵的军事支持。他们的力量是成长。这是男人和女人谁珍惜他们的自由生活比他们的价值更高的强度。
我相信，轴心国不会赢得这场战争。我相信最新和最好的信息库。
我们没有理由失败。我们有理由希望——希望和平，是的，希望对我们文明的防御和在未来更好的文明建设。我认为美国人民现在决定提出一个更强大的力量比他们曾经还增加我们的防御所有实现生产的信念，以满足我们的民主信仰的威胁。
作为美国总统，我呼吁国家的努力。我叫它在这个国家，我们的爱和尊敬，我们很荣幸和骄傲的服务名称。我号召我们的人民有绝对的信心，我们共同的事业将极大的成功。
英语演讲稿,罗斯福演讲稿